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Wikipedia / Byrhtnoth

Byrhtnoth (; – 11 August 991) was a 10th-century Anglo-Saxon magnate and soldier who governed as the ealdorman of Essex from late 956 until he died in battle. Byrhtnoth was initially appointed by King Eadwig and supported the young ruler, but after the kingdom was partitioned in 957, he transferred his support to Eadwig's younger brother Edgar, who was ruling England north of the Thames. After Eadwig died, the kingdom was unified, and Byrhtnoth was one of four leaders of Edgar's administration, alongside Æthelwine of East Anglia, Ælfhere of Mercia, and Oslac of York.

Byrhtnoth was one of the wealthiest men in the kingdom and a prolific supporter of monasticism, causing monastic writers to celebrate his piety. After Edgar's death, Byrhtnoth allied with Æthelwine of East Anglia against Ælfhere of Mercia, who took advantage of the power vacuum to attack monasteries and reclaim lost land. Edgar's teenage son Edward replaced him after a power struggle, and Byrhtnoth was loyal to the young king, but Edward was murdered in 978. He was succeeded by his younger brother Æthelred, who was crowned after a year. Byrhtnoth was a senior and experienced ealdorman under Æthelred, and his power grew, becoming one of the king's main counsellors alongside Æthelwine after 984. Æthelwine's illness in 991 allowed Byrhtnoth to exercise viceregal authority over the kingdom.

After a lull lasting decades, Viking attacks started up again in the 980s, commencing the so-called "Second Viking Age". Raids took place from 980–982 and in 988, but these early attacks do not seem to penetrate far. The leadership of Byrhtnoth and Æthelwine may have played a part in maintaining stability and defence. A band of Vikings probably led by Olaf Tryggvason landed on English shores in 991, devastating Ipswich, and Byrhtnoth marched out to meet them at the Battle of Maldon. He seems to have been greatly outnumbered, but the Norse were contained on a causeway, which Byrhtnoth's more professional troops could defend easily. Byrhtnoth gave up this advantage to meet the Norse directly in battle, and in the ensuing engagement he was defeated and killed.

Byrhtnoth was celebrated for his bravery and religiosity in the accounts of the battle by monastic chroniclers as well as the poet of The Battle of Maldon, which is our main source on the engagement. However, it seems to have criticised him for his decision to fight the Norse on equal terms, and later scholars have also been condemnatory. Byrhtnoth was also known for his immense size, standing at 6'9. He is the subject of J.R.R. Tolkien's short play in verse, The Homecoming of Beorhtnoth, Beorhthelm's Son; and a modern statue at Maldon.

Sources

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (also known as ASC or Chronicle) likely originated in the late ninth century, under the rule of Alfred the Great. Although it is the most important source for Anglo-Saxon political history, it only mentions Byrhtnoth in the entry for 991. There are references to Byrhtnoth in monastic texts such as those from Ely and Ramsey, as well as the near-contemporary Byrhtferth of Ramsey, the author of the Vita Oswaldi, who wished to continue his legacy. The most detailed source on Byrhtnoth, and the basis of his fame, is the 325-line fragment of the Old English poem, The Battle of Maldon.

Family

Byrhtnoth's family origins are unclear, but he was of noble birth, and his father is named as Byrhthelm by the poet of The Battle of Maldon. He had a brother named Brihtric and a sister, whose son Wulfmaer fought alongside Byrhtnoth in 991. Byrhtnoth likely had Mercian origins; a large part of his patrimony was in Cambridgeshire, and he was related to a descendant of the Mercian ealdorman Ealhhelm. Byrhtnoth's earliest landed involvements were exclusively Mercian. The name part "Byrht-" was mainly common among Mercian nobility and æthelings in the ninth century, and it has been suggested that he was descended from the Mercian royal family. Byrhtferth was Byrhtnoth's direct predecessor as ealdorman of Essex, and as the Anglo-Saxons often used the same name element between generations, historians Cyril Roy Hart and Donald Scragg believe that he was likely Byrhtnoth's uncle as well. Richard Abels is somewhat cautious, commenting that the evidence is only circumstantial.

Byrhtferth attested to the charters of Eadred as Ealdorman of Essex beginning in 955 and continued to attest to the charters of Eadwig until 13 February 956, after which point he disappears. Byrhtnoth was married before 951 to Ælfflaed, the daughter of Ælfgar, ealdorman of Essex, but may have been married earlier, with a separate daughter named Leofflaed who seems to have been of high status. The marriage had taken place over 40 years before Byrhtnoth's death in battle. According to Scragg, accounting for a prior wife, Byrhtnoth must have been around twenty when he married Ælfflaed. Another of Ælfgar's daughters was married to Edmund I. With Ælfflaed, Byrhtnoth had no surviving children.

Ealdorman

Byrhtnoth enjoyed the patronage of King Eadwig, and convinced the king to grant land to the church at Worcester. While still a thegn in early 956, Byrhtnoth seems to have succeeded Byrhtferth as ealdorman of Essex late in the year. Byrhtnoth is witness to three charters in 956, and on all of them he appears last among the ealdormen. The historian Shashi Jayakumar perceives a promotion of Byrhtnoth's "kin group" under Eadwig, with Byrhthelm, Eadwig's appointee to the see of Winchester, and Æthelweard the Chronicler being possible kin. Byrhtnoth was related to most of the great men in southern England, including figures such as Ælfhere of Mercia. The jurisdiction of the ealdormen of Essex extended beyond Essex itself, including Huntingdonshire, and the Liber Eliensis, a history of Ely Abbey, calls Byrhtnoth the earl of Northumbria. Hart believes that his jurisdiction extended over the whole Five Boroughs.

There was apparent conflict over Eadwig's marriage at court, with the young king attempting to marry Ælfgifu despite their apparent blood relation, and it became the most significant issue at court. During the conflict, Byrhtnoth was part of the king's party as his appointee, but the marriage did not ultimately last against the opposition from Eadgifu, the dowager queen, and Abbot Dunstan. The ASC C reports that "in this year [957] the atheling Edgar succeeded to the kingdom of the Mercians." A partition of the kingdom took place in that year, with Eadwig's younger brother Edgar becoming king of all the territory north of the Thames, although Eadwig retained the title king of the English. Byrhtnoth's ealdormanry was left in Edgar's territory. Simon Keynes notes that Byrhtnoth was one of the "new" men transferred to Edgar's court after the division of 957. During the partition, which lasted for two years, Byrhtnoth was a broadly consistent witness to Edgar's charters, while disappearing from those of Eadwig. Eadwig died on 1 October 959, and Edgar acceded to the whole kingdom. Byrhtnoth remained a consistent witness to the king's charters and slowly acquired land, much of it in Mercia.

There is evidence of over 40 estates held by Byrhtnoth over ten shires, many of which were concentrated in Cambridgeshire, Huntingdonshire, and Northamptonshire, but also elsewhere in Mercia, East Anglia, and Essex. One estate of his in Suffolk, Hadleigh, had been the resting place of Guthrum. Byrhtnoth's extensive estates made him one of the richest men in the kingdom. He routinely attested third or fourth among the ealdormen by the end of Edgar's reign, and was among three other leading ealdormen in importance: Æthelwine of East Anglia, Ælfhere of Mercia, and Oslac of York. Edgar was able to control them, but the power of the ealdormen was becoming unwieldy and would increase after his death.

Edgar died in 975 at the age of thirty-two and left behind two sons. The eldest, Edward, was about sixteen years old and born to Æthelflæd Eneda. The younger son, Æthelred, was born to the queen Ælfthryth and was around eight or nine. Edward was known for his outbursts of rage, which may have helped motivate a party of nobles led by Ælfthryth. Eadmer later claimed that Edward's opponents challenged the status of his mother; she, though lawfully married, had never been crowned queen in contrast to Ælfthryth. Ælthryth and Ælfhere of Mercia supported Æthelred's claim; and Dunstan (now Archbishop of Canterbury), Æthelwine, and Byrhtnoth supported Edward's claim. The sides were likely decided by family alliances rather than the different claims of the æthelings, who were also too young to have taken part.

The dispute did not last, with Edward being accepted before the end of the year. As a compromise, Æthelred received "the lands belonging to kings' sons", some of which were forcefully withdrawn from Abingdon Abbey. The manuscripts of the Chronicle all mention several attacks on monasteries led by Ælfhere around this time. According to the ASC C, "many of the wise servant of God were dispersed," while the ASC E and D explicitly named Ælfhere, with D adding that it was "because of his youth". Historians have dubbed this period the "anti-monastic reaction," but it is doubtful whether the attacks were truly in opposition to monasticism itself. Byrhtnoth was an ally to Ely Abbey, and alongside Æthelwine and his brothers, opposed the expulsion of the monks and the seizure of their property. Byrhtnoth's actions won him praise from Byrhtferth of Ramsey.

Hart believes that Edward's authority north of the Thames was weak; the few royal charters were only concerned with land in Wessex, and Winchester's monopoly on coin dies was broken. Levi Roach believes that this evidence "need not be a sign of weakness". Byrhtnoth continued to attest to the king's charters, although in the 978 witenagemot at Calne, the counsellors fell from the upper story, causing some to be severely injured or even killed. Edward's reign remains poorly recorded. Frank Stenton remarked that there is only "a vague impression of disorder" for the period.

Battle of Maldon

Viking attacks and The Battle of Maldon

Edward was murdered on 11 March 978 while visiting Æthelred and Ælfthryth at Corfe, and though some historians suspect Ælfthryth, her complicity is unproven. Nobody was arrested for the crime. It was over a year later when Æthelred was crowned, on 4 May 979, and Ann Williams believes that there was "relief at a crisis passed." Characterisations of Æthelred vary widely, but many historians emphasise that his government was functional in the early part of his reign. Æthelred was largely surrounded by the nobles who had achieved prominence under Edgar, with Byrhtnoth and Æthelwine being the two most senior and experienced ealdormen, and the lengthy power struggle with Ælfhere ended upon his death in 983. They were part of the in-group that had arisen in Æthelred's court after the king reached the age of majority in 984.

England was free from attack from the 950s until 980, which commenced a period sometimes known as the "Second Viking Age". Raids took place from 980 to 982, and in 988, but they were probably seen as little more than local problems. The men of a shire were organised into single fighting units during this period, such as in 988 when the thegns of Devon beat back an attack. The historian Eric John suggested that English successes in 988 could have helped enable the advantageous treaty with Richard II of Normandy in 990, which resulted in an alliance between Richard and Æthelred. Hart believes that Byrhtnoth and Æthelwine were able to maintain stability until they died in 991 and 992, respectively: "until then, the Vikings could only mount raids that penetrated short distances and for short periods". With Æthelwine's serious illness in 991, Byrhtnoth effectively held viceregal power.

In 991, a force under Olaf Tryggvason landed in England, and the ASC A writes that "Olaf came with 93 ships to Folkestone, and ravaged round about it, and then from there went to Sandwich, and so from there to Ipswich, and overran it all, and so to Maldon." John reads Olaf's campaign as a "desperate comeback". Normandy had been used as a base for Viking attacks on England, and Richard's peace treaty heightened the stakes for the Norse. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle does not provide any tactical detail on the battle of Maldon, nor does Byrhtferth of Ramsey. The most immediate and detailed source on the battle is the fragment of the vernacular poem, The Battle of Maldon. The breadth of opinion on the poem is wide, and Hart comments:

  1. What strikes me most is the wide variety of opinions that have been expressed [...] Except when one is obviously copying the opinions of another, no two commentators on the poem, however renowned, end up with precisely the same interpretation. If anything, controversy as to the date and place of composition, the purpose of the poem, its sources and its evidential value, is greater today than ever before.

There is significant debate on the dating of the poem, but scholars lean towards an earlier date on the whole. Commentators have been traditionally more trusting of the poem, with E.V. Gordon writing that "the account of the poem, so far as its statements can be checked, is accurate in every particular." Since the late twentieth century, there has been more caution, and Norman Blake even argued that the poem should be assumed to be inaccurate. Roach remarked that the poet, rather than telling a factual account, "is spinning a good yarn". Williams believes that the historicity of the poem is "open to discussion". To Scragg, the accuracy of the poem varies, and "at every turn this witness to the event has to be seen as a work of art and not as a factual account".

Battle

Æthelwine, who was ill, does not seem to have done anything to oppose the Norsemen at Ipswich, and the Norsemen then sailed to the mouth of the river Blackwater. It is generally accepted that Olaf's men encamped on Northey Island, although Hart believes that it would leave them vulnerable to blockade, instead arguing that the Norse advanced on Maldon overland. The records of Ely and Ramsey, claiming that Byrhtnoth visited them on the way to the battle, record similar stories about how Ely won over Byrhtnoth by providing hospitality and provisions to them. These stories are questionable, with Keynes remarking that much about them is "erroneous, or delightfully contrived," although Abels suggests they could contain a kernel of truth. Scragg believes that Byrhtnoth would have felt responsible for Ipswich's defence, but he could not have raised troops in time. While Olaf's men were preoccupied in the sack, Byrhtnoth would have spent this time assembling troops.

By 11 August 991, Byrhtnoth's army consisted of two groups, a trained force of professionals from his household and a larger body of lesser-trained fyrdmen. Based on the East Saxon hidage, Hart believes that the first group may have numbered around 300 men, and the second group a maximum of 700, but this still left Byrhtnoth outnumbered by more than three to one. To Hart, "the English levies, poorly equipped and hastily assembled, could hardly have matched up to their opponents." The composition of the fyrd is debated, but armour seems to have been rarer among English troops before 1008 than after, although this is based on Heriots from the period, which are likely incomplete.

According to the poem, Byrhtnoth arrayed his men on the bank of the Blackwater, thus occupying the causeway between Northey and the mainland. The Vikings send a messenger demanding tribute, to which Byrhtnoth responds that he and his men wish to offer "spears as tribute". To Scragg, "a ‘fliting’ or scolding dispute was a regular feature of heroic verse before the onset of a physical encounter, and this exchange should probably be seen as part of this tradition." The fighting seems to begin with an exchange of projectiles on both sides. Byrhtnoth is recorded sending three men to defend the causeway, but he may have instead sent up an elite group. The Norse then asked to be allowed to cross and fight on the mainland, and Stenton remarks that "with what even those who admired him called over-courage, Byrhtnoth agreed to this".

Byrhtnoth's decision has been heavily criticised by literary scholars–most notably J.R.R. Tolkien–who consider it the cause of his defeat. The poet probably intended criticism as well with the use of the term ofermod, which has been translated as simply "overconfidence," "pride," or, more critically, "overmastering pride". These translations suggest different levels of criticism. Byrhtnoth was killed in the fighting, and a number of his men fled, receiving censure from the poet. Many of Byrhtnoth's thegns chose to continue fighting and die for their lord, but the battle was lost.

Legacy

Byrhtnoth gave land to several religious houses in England, including Ramsey, Abingdon, and Mersea, and was a significant patron of Ely Abbey. The ealdorman granted a significant number of estates to the Abbey in 991, in addition to a possible grant to Christ Church, Canterbury in the same year. Historian Charles Reginald Dodwell remarks that "Byrhtnoth was clearly one of the great heroes of East Anglia." He was noted by later chroniclers at the abbeys of Ely and Ramsey, as well as by Byrhtferth, who were strongly favourable towards the ealdorman. In his hagiography of the saint Oswald of Worcester, Byrhtferth singled out Byrhtnoth for praise, calling him "a religious man [who was] fearing God". All of the accounts mention his courage in battle, his "swan-white" hair, and his massive size. His decision to let the Vikings pass was criticised, but it had its own allure, and the Liber Eliensis describes him as "unremitting in his battles against the enemies of the country". The monks of Ely removed Byrhtnoth's headless body from the battlefield and buried it, and it was reportedly then that the newly-widowed Ælfflaed gave the Abbey a tapestry or hanging celebrating his deeds, presumably in the style of the Bayeux Tapestry, the only surviving example of such a work. This was given immediately after his death, so it had probably been hanging in his home previously.

Byrhtferth also claims that the Vikings suffered heavy casualties at Maldon and were "scarcely able to man their ships," a claim which has been taken seriously by the historian Martin Ryan, although the ASC C, D, and E report that the Danes continued to cause a "great terror" along the coast. Byrhtnoth was one of the most senior ealdormen in the kingdom, and his death was a shocking blow, which resulted in the first tribute (gafol) payment to the Vikings in generations: a sum of 10,000 pounds. After Maldon, there were more active, though unsuccessful, attempts to combat the Viking threat, with a ship levy in 992 and a large army assembled in 993 to face an attack against Lindsey and Northumbria.

After his burial, his remains, along with those of six other Saxon 'benefactors of Ely Church' (also known as the seven 'Confessors of Christ'), have been moved and reburied three times. Byrhtnoth and the others were all exhumed from their burial places in the old Saxon abbey church, and in the mid-1150s the remains were reinterred in the 'Northern Part' of the new Norman church, which by then had been made Ely Cathedral. Following the collapse of the central tower in 1322, a new octagonal space was created, and a wall was built on its north side to separate the monastic area of the choir from the pilgrim entrance and route to the shrine of Æthelthryth (St Etheldreda). Within this wall the seven benefactors were buried, with wall paintings of each in an elaborate arcade facing the pilgrim entrance, perhaps to remind visitors of the enduring respect that can accrue from such generosity.

The shrines were destroyed, and pilgrimages ceased at the Reformation, but in 1769, when the choir stalls were moved out of the Octagon, the wall was demolished and James Bentham found that the remains of the seven benefactors were still there, each in a separate compartment, although Byrhtnoth's was headless. All the clerics were estimated to be over tall, and Byrhtnoth's bones suggested that he stood at . On 31 July 1781 they were again re-interred, with considerable ceremony, at the far east end of the cathedral, in niches constructed within the gothic splendour of Bishop Nicholas West's Chantry chapel.

In October 2006, a statue created by John Doubleday was placed at the end of the Maldon Promenade Walk, facing the battle site of Northey Island and the Causeway. The battle site itself has a National Trust plaque recording his 'heroic defeat and death'. As well as the Anglo-Saxon poem, The Battle of Maldon, J.R.R. Tolkien's short alliterative play, The Homecoming of Beorhtnoth, Beorhthelm's Son takes place on the battlefield of Maldon and deals with the search for Byrhtnoth's body.

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